RSS At 100: What Vijay Trivedi's Book Gets Right And What It Misses

RSS: 100 Years of the Indian Right. Vijay Trivedi. Westland Non-Fiction. Pages: 439. Price: Rs 799.

The book on RSS' 100 years by Vijai Trivedi, translated by Subha Pande, offers a deep insight into how the RSS, with its extensive organisational reach, has contributed to nation-building through its persistent effort guided by the Hindutva philosophy of human service.

While the title of the book may prompt readers to think of it as a diary or a mere historical account of the Rashtriya Swayamsevak Sangh (RSS), it offers far more than that. The book, while highlighting the origin, challenges, contributions, and services of the RSS in nation-building, also seeks to provide a clear picture of how the nation and its understanding have evolved. Vijay Trivedi very rightly terms the book a "mirror to the changing face of the nation."

The book tends to unravel some of the criticisms surrounding the RSS and answers crucial questions regarding its approach towards the Dalit and Muslim populations in India, issues on which the RSS has been consistently targeted by its critics. Apart from covering the history of the organisation chronologically, the author discusses elaborately its core ideologies: Hindutva as articulated by Savarkar, Golwalkar, Hedgewar, and others, and the idea of Dharma as understood by the Sangh.

The Banyan Tree and Its Branches

Prime Minister Narendra Modi referred to the RSS as the "Banyan Tree of immortal culture and modernisation" in March 2025 when he visited the RSS headquarters in Nagpur. The RSS, the largest right-wing organisation in India, has completed 100 years. On 27 September 1925, the day of Vijayadashami, Dr Hedgewar decided to create a service-oriented organisation focusing primarily on national integration. The organisation, which began with hundreds of youths in Nagpur, is said to form the driving force for the BJP government at the centre.

Similar to the branches of a banyan tree, the RSS has over 55,000 shakhas (branches) across the country. Shakhas are the basic unit of the Sangh, providing foundational training to people from various walks of life. Discussions at shakhas involve topics related to physical activities, intellectual development, and local social needs. The dissemination of the core philosophy of Hindu Rashtra, along with daily sports activities, keeps the sessions interactive and productive.

Siksha Vargs, or training camps, are the most crucial part of the Sangh. Every year, Siksha Vargs are organised during May and June. Once a swayamsevak completes three years of Siksha Vargs, he becomes a full-time pracharak. Officials associated with the Sangh say that there are currently thirty-six associate organisations, of which twelve are "mass-based" and work in direct contact with the people. The Sangh's sister organisations are generally referred to as Sangh Parivar. The author points out that although these organisations are autonomous, they work in close coordination with the principles of the Sangh.

The Sangh has a hierarchical organisational structure, with all bodies linked organically. At the top comes the Sarsanghchalak, the ultimate guide and philosopher, who works on the advice of the Sarkaryavah, a role akin to the post of general secretary in other organisations. After the Sarsanghchalak and Sarkaryavah come the Sah-sarkaryavahs, the pracharaks, the head trainers, the karyavahs, the gatnayaks, and swayamsevaks. Upcoming Sarsanghchalaks are nominated by the serving Sarsanghchalak, but the procedure involves extensive deliberations with the Sarkaryavah and the Akhil Bharatiya Karyakari Mandal, the highest central working committee. The author meticulously details the requirements, roles, and responsibilities of each position and department in the Sangh.

Seva Paramo Dharmah

The philosophy of social service and nation-building, since its inception, is one of the key reasons behind the endurance and significant expansion of the Sangh. Trivedi remarks that the Sangh does not consider seva as charity, but as an attempt to return to society what it and its members have received from it. Rashtriya Seva Bharati, in collaboration with state units and other organisations, carries out the service activities of the Sangh and is overseen by the All-India Sah-seva Pramukh. Currently, it runs over 90,000 health awareness projects, 39,000 social service projects, 25,000 educational projects, and 22,000 projects related to women's empowerment. The Deen Dayal Research Institute runs projects for self-reliance, particularly in rural development. Seva Bharati has also started a project called Swasthya Mitra, which offers primary healthcare support in villages.

During natural calamities, the swayamsevaks are always the first to offer assistance. They do this voluntarily and are not compensated. In fact, they often use their own money to help. Their contributions are not driven by utility but stem from the strong social values instilled in them during their time in the shakhas.

There are countless instances when Sangh volunteers took on the responsibility of rehabilitation and rescue activities, be it the 1966 Bihar famine, the storm in Andhra Pradesh in 1977, the Maharashtra earthquake in 1993, the devastating Gujarat earthquakes in 2001, or the COVID-19 pandemic. The Sangh never discriminates based on religion or caste during disaster management activities. During the 2001 Gujarat earthquakes, spaces for namaz were created in relief camps controlled by the Sangh, which serves as an affirmation of this fact. However, the Sangh is firm in its stance against religious conversions carried out by missionaries, whether by force or allurements, across the nation.

Swayamsevaks also ran free canteens for soldiers during the 1962, 1965, and 1971 wars. Impressed by the voluntary contributions of the Sangh during the Indo-China war of 1962, Prime Minister Nehru even invited the RSS to the Republic Day Parade on 26 January 1963.

Dalits and Muslims: Rebuking Frivolous Charges

Trivedi rebuts the opposition's allegation of the Sangh being a Brahminical and anti-Dalit organisation as baseless, countering it by showcasing the Sangh's efforts to include Dalits into its fold and actively working towards the betterment of women and marginalised Muslims. Trivedi narrates an exchange between Swami Karpatri Maharaj, the president of Akhil Bharatiya Ram Rajya Parishad, and Guruji Golwalkar. On Swami Karpatri's insistence on preserving the varna system in the Sangh, Guruji countered by saying that it was time to break away from the varna system and create a new order. He added that the Sangh focuses on creating a structure with no divisions left, by bringing everyone together based on the eternal concept of society and nation.

However, under the leadership of Dr Hedgewar and Golwalkar, the organisation's consolidation remained the primary focus. The shift to social inclusion was marked by Balasaheb's effort after assuming the role of Sarsanghchalak in 1973. After the incident of mass conversion of Hindus to Islam at Meenakshipuram in 1981, Balasaheb doubled down on the Sangh's effort of Dalit inclusion, calling for the urgency to uproot the evil practice of the caste system. He introduced the concept of Samajik Samarasta (social harmony), expanding the Sangh's outreach to the Dalit population. Under his leadership, RSS launched several initiatives like Vanvasi Kalyan Ashram and Saraswati Shishu Mandirs to promote social inclusivity and Hindu unity. The Sangh has drastically evolved and adapted itself to contemporary social needs. The first brick for the Ayodhya Ram Mandir's construction in 1989 was laid by Kameshwar Chaupal, a Dalit leader of Vishwa Hindu Parishad.

In his lecture series in 2018, current Sarsanghchalak Mohan Bhagwat said that Hindutva is incomplete without Muslims. Under Balasaheb Deoras's leadership, the Sangh formally opened its doors to welcome people from other faiths, including Muslims, in 1979. Based on the idea of bringing Hindus and Muslims together, the Muslim Rashtriya Manch (MRM) was founded in 2002. MRM has always opposed the orthodox principles of Islam that harm national integrity. It consistently supported the abrogation of Article 370 of the Indian Constitution. In order to foster better understanding between both communities, MRM hosts iftar parties during the month of Ramzan.

The Sangh and its associate organisations have consistently opposed the oppressive practice of triple talaq (talaq-e-biddat), which was eventually criminalised after the enactment of the Muslim Women (Protection of Rights on Marriage) Act, 2019, by the BJP government. The book incisively reveals that the anti-Muslim and anti-Dalit image of the Sangh has been an agenda created by its opponents to hamper national integrity, while reaping electoral benefits.

Philosophical Insight

The political propagation of Dr Hedgewar's idea of "Hindutva is nationalism" was done by Guruji Golwalkar by opposing communism. Golwalkar would say, "not socialism but Hindutva." He tried to posit Hindutva against communism. Golwalkar always opposed the socialists and communists, claiming that these groups took pride in distancing themselves from Hindu identity and traditions. Their actions were fundamentally anti-Hindu, aimed at appeasing the Muslim population.

In the garb of the national movement, the communists adopted a divisive approach which would ultimately endanger national unity. For Golwalkar, the most important task was to forge unity by walking on the path of Hinduism, which has been driving the country since ancient times. He considered communism to be a Western idea propagating extensive materialism, which impedes the very idea of Hindutva spiritualism.

In Golwalkar's idea of the Indian nation, minorities could also be part of India, provided they abandon their foreign allegiance and become part of Hindu national traditions. They should revisit and accept the history that they are the descendants of Hindu traditions. They are free to practise their religion, but they should imbibe the Hindu way of life, like the Parsis who came from Iran but got assimilated into Indian tradition without leaving their religion. However, he was firmly against any special treatment demanded by minorities. Golwalkar despised ostentatious secularism, which, according to him, promoted divisive tendencies. Hinduism has always been an accommodating religion, but it cannot be done by hampering national unity and integrity.

Golwalkar believed in the idea of Dharmo Rakshati Rakshitah, literally meaning "Dharma protects those who protect it." Thus, the Sangh's Dharma is focused on the development of Hinduism, its culture, and the nation, which is reflected in the daily oath taken by swayamsevaks.

The Sangh's adherence to Dharma coincides with Swami Vivekananda's definition: Dharma is reflected by deeds, not principles. The RSS has always prioritised sukarman (right actions) over following any single personality, whether from within its ranks or outside. The philosophy of the Sangh has evolved with the course of time, according to the situation and context. The recent statement by Mohan Bhagwat regarding the significance of including Muslims in Hindutva is a testament to the Sangh's adaptive approach.

The objective of the Sangh was not limited to the construction of the Ram Mandir in Ayodhya. The movement for the Ramjanmabhoomi temple was to reinstate Dharma, which was being distorted in the name of secularism. Therefore, the Sangh will uphold Dharma and continue to support it as long as necessary.

Final Take

The book's extensive investigation into the history and philosophy of the Sangh affirms the journalistic and academic rigour put in by Vijay Trivedi. The chronological presentation of the Sangh's life through the tenure of Sarsanghchalaks provides a detailed contextual insight into the Sangh's activity over the years.

However, the book misses the short but crucial tenures of Rajju Bhaiya (Rajendra Singh) and K.S. Sudarshan. Rajju Bhaiya's influence in the BJP's decision to support Mayawati as the Chief Minister of Uttar Pradesh reflected his commitment towards social harmony and Hindu unity. The Sangh has always been alleged to have Brahmin leadership. However, Rajju Bhaiya, the fourth Sarsanghchalak, came from a non-Brahmin background. Equally crucial is the tenure of K.S. Sudarshan, who posited the idea of having a swadeshi church, purely Indian and free from all foreign control.

Additionally, the mention of his personal conversations with various Sangh leaders highlights the author's diligence in dissecting the controversies regarding the Sangh, but it also places a discretionary responsibility on readers to decide the credibility of the content.

Despite the omission of Rajju Bhaiya and K.S. Sudarshan's tenures, the book highlights the effort of the author to present a clear internal picture of the functioning of the RSS, which currently stands at the crucial juncture of celebrating its 100 years while the BJP is serving at the central government under the leadership of Prime Minister Narendra Modi. The book, in its entirety, stands out as a restatement of how the RSS stood firm and held patriotism as a core philosophy of national integration despite the multifaceted challenges it faced.